Den Schmerz der Anderen begreifen

Eigentlich hätte heute Abend, 9. November 2022, in Tel Aviv und im Netz (Zoom) eine Veranstaltung von Goethe Institut und Rosa Luxemburg Stiftung (Tel Aviv) stattfinden sollen, deren Absicht die Organisatoren wie folgt beschrieben haben:

„Fast 75 Jahre nach seiner Gründung bleibt Erinnern in Israel ein politisch umkämpftes Terrain. Jüdinnen und Juden richten den Fokus auf den Holocaust, Palästinenser:innen hingegen auf das Schicksalsjahr 1948, als Hundertausende Opfer von Flucht und Vertreibung durch jüdische Kämpfer wurden – arabisch als Nakba (Katastrophe) bezeichnet. In ihrem Buch „Den Schmerz der Anderen begreifen“ plädiert die Publizistin Charlotte Wiedemann für ein neues empathisches Erinnern, das verschiedenen Seiten gerecht wird und Solidarität statt Opferkonkurrenz fördert.“

Im Hintergrund steht eine Publikation von Charlotte Wiedemann „Den Schmerz der anderen begreifen. Holocaust und Weltgedächtnis“ (Propyläen, 2022).

An dem Gespräch , das jetzt am Sonntag, 13. November 2022, 19.00 Uhr stattfinden wird, werden teilnehmen:

Charlotte Wiedemann ist Publizistin und Auslandsreporterin, ihre Beiträge erschienen u.a. in Die Zeit, Geo und Le Monde Diplomatique. Sie hält Vorträge, ist Kolumnistin der taz und hat zahlreiche Bücher zu internationalen Themen veröffentlicht, zuletzt erschien „Den Schmerz der anderen begreifen. Holocaust und Weltgedächtnis“ (Propyläen, 2022). Geprägt vom Schweigen in der eigenen Familie, verfolgt sie die Debatten um die deutsche Verantwortung für den Nationalsozialismus seit vier Jahrzehnten.

Bashir Bashir ist außerordentlicher Professor für politische Theorie an der Open University of Israel und Senior Research Fellow am Van Leer Jerusalem Institute. Er forscht zu Demokratietheorie, Nationalismus, Staatsangehörigkeit, Multikulturalismus und Versöhnungspolitik. Zuletzt erschien von ihm The Arab and Jewish Questions: Geographies of Engagement in Palestine and Beyond (Columbia University Press, 2020); Mitherausgeber von The Holocaust and Nakba: A New Grammar of Trauma and History (Columbia University Press, 2018)

Amos Goldberg ist außerordentlicher Professor für Geschichte des Holocaust und Leiter des Forschungsinstituts für zeitgenössisches Judentum an der Hebräischen Universität von Jerusalem. Seit Jahrzehnten erforscht er die Geschichte und die Erinnerung an den Holocaust an der Schnittstelle von Geschichte, kritischer Theorie und Literatur. Zu seinen Veröffentlichungen gehören Trauma in First Person: Diary Writing during the Holocaust (Indiana University Press, 2017); Zusammen mit Bashir Bashir (Hg.) The Holocaust and Nakba:  A New Grammar of Trauma and History. Goldberg gehört zu den Initiatoren und Verfassern der Jerusalem Declaration on Antisemitism.

Inge Günther hat mehr als zwanzig Jahre lang als Korrespondentin in Israel und Palästina gearbeitet, unter anderem für die Frankfurter Rundschau und die Berliner Zeitung. Für ihre Berichte erhielt sie mehrfach Preise, zuletzt 2017 den Journalistenpreis der Deutschen Initiative für den Nahen Osten. Aus beruflichen wie privaten Gründen ist Jerusalem ihre zweite Heimat neben Berlin geworden.

Die Veranstaltung wird live per Zoom übertragen.Bitte um Anmeldung: telaviv.office@rosalux.org

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Die Verschiebung ist das Ergebnis von „Protesten“ aus Deustchland, hier einige Stimmen dazu:

https://www.juedische-allgemeine.de/kultur/scharfe-kritik-am-goethe-institut-inakzeptabel-und-respektlos/

https://www.jpost.com/israel-news/article-721814

https://www.goethe.de/ins/il/de/ver.cfm?event_id=24278029 (mit der Begründung der Verschiebung)

Zahlreiche Weitere lassen sich leicht auffinden, auch Polemiken auf Twitter.

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Kommentar: Es scheint mindestens so wichtig, wie über das Thema, auch kontorvers, zu diskutieren, danach zu fragen, warum es zu solchen Reaktion kommt – warum wird es (von manchen / einigen ?) als bedrohlich empfunden, den Schmerz des anderen zu begegreifen? Die Wirklichkeit des Erinnerns is vielfältig und heterogen, wer setzt die Maßstäbe, was gedacht, gefühlt, empfunden werden darf? Der lange Arm der Geschichte ist weiter präsent….

Von Hebräisch zu Farsi

Die Israelin Liraz Charhi liefert den Soundtrack des iranischen Aufruhrs

Die Musik der Sängerin Liraz Charhi ist zum Soundtrack des iranischen Aufruhrs geworden, zu ihren Liedern tanzen iranische Frauen. Das Besondere daran: Liraz lebt in Israel und ist Jüdin. Ein Porträt auf NDR-Kultur..

Sängerin Liraz Charhi

Analytische Bemerkungen von Rabbiner Arik Asherman

Der Direktor von Torat Tzedek über den Ausgang der Knesset-Wahlen 2022

Eine linke relgiöse Stimme, hier besonders interessant der Punkt 2b

(Link zur Webversion, die auch noch Aktuelles enthält)

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A FEW QUICK OBSERVATIONS ABOUT THE ELECTIONS

  1. The elections were a choice between bad and worse. We should have no illusions that the outgoing government had a decent human rights record.

a. The failure of Meretz to make it into the next Knesset was not just because of the fact that Labor refused to unite with them or the fact that Yesh Atid siphoned off votes. Many Meretz voters punished the party because they were somewhere between complicit to ineffective regarding serious human rights violations in the Occupied Territories. The violence and the land takeovers didn’t slow down.

b. Since January Torat Tzedek was in contact with a top advisor to Internal Security minister Bar-Lev (Labor). For all their good intentions, they were not able to get the police on the ground to prevent settler flocks from invading and destroying Palestinian fields, groves and vineyards. They were not able to get the police to properly investigate and prosecute even when there was good documentation of violence or invasions.

c. The latest spike in support by Israeli security forces for settler violence more or less coincides with Benny Gantz’s tenure as defense minister both for Netanyahu and in the outgoing government. I don’t know whether that was a matter of policy, or because it was not something Gantz was paying attention to. We had contact with his deputy defense ministers, who had very little real influence.
d. Nevertheless, without intense international pressure that goes beyond words, we are likely to move from bad to worse. We need to wait to see who will receive which ministries, what the coalition agreements look like, etc. However, if already those acting violently against Palestinians and human rights defenders have understood that they will pay no price for acting violently, we could be in a situation in which there will be open season against us and against Palestinians.

e. The Religious Zionism party has made it very clear that further undermining our judicial system is a top priority. They have a great deal of support for this in the Likud and ultra-Orthodox parties. While the courts have not been particularly favorable to human rights or international law, they can be further compromised. Judicial appointments can set the tone for years to come. It is also conceivable that the law will be employed to make it impossible or very difficult for human rights organizations to operate.

f. It may seem surrealistic, but our last best home might be Netanyahu. Before his indictments, he had some red lines regarding the rule of law. He always preferred to be in the political middle of his coalitions, and currently he is the far left of the Likud and of his coalition. The Likud democrats are long gone. Netanyahu may try to balance the radical rights with somebody to his left. Being dependent on Netanyahu’s potential moderating influence is not something to count on or to relish.

g. Arguably the outgoing government has been more neo-liberal and worse on internal Israeli socioeconomic issues than the previous Netanyahu governments. If nothing changes, this coming Tuesday will find many of us barricaded in the home of a single parent mom on the day that she is to be evicted from public housing. It was the current. There will likely be a power struggle in the incoming government between the ultra-Orthodox parties working on behalf of their lower income constituents, and others with clear neo-liberal tendencies. However, the solutions of the ultra-Orthodox parties tend to be band aid solutions that don’t tackle underlying factors keeping people living in poverty.

h. “Meshilut” (governability) is a favorite word of the right wing, and we have heard it a great deal during the campaign and since the elections. It is code for the majority “democratically” imposing laws on non-Jews, particularly Israel’s Negev Bedouin citizens.

  1. It is of course to early to say what the new composition of the Knesset will mean for our political landscape in the future.

a. If Meretz does not survive outside the Knesset, will anything replace it? Will there be a home for the Zionist left? Labor is center left both in terms of the Occupied Territories and socioeconomic justice.

b. It is arguable whether there was ever a political party representing religious Jews who were anti-Occupation. The relatively moderate Orthodox parties in favor of some sort of pluralism and rule of law were always pro-Occupation and had become increasingly neo-liberal. However, all that is left in the Knesset is a religious party supporting the legalization of unauthorized outposts, as well as the expansion of settlements. Their constituents largely support the violent hilltop youth. I know some right wing national religious Orthodox Jews who voted this time for ultra-Orthodox parties because the Religious Zionism/Jewish Power party was too extreme for them. Will this be a trend for the future? Truly progressive Orthodox Jews largely voted for non-Orthodox parties.

  1. The difference in the popular vote between the pro-Netanyahu and anti-Netanyahu coalitions was very small. However, the reason why the outgoing government was no better than the Netanyahu governments regarding Palestinian human rights, and arguably more neo-liberal was because the anti-Netanyahu coalition contained parties that had identical positions on human rights issues to the positions of the parties in Netanyahu’s block, but were anti-Netanyahu. In other words, trying to elect a future government more supportive of human rights is not just a matter of avoiding the strategic mistakes of the anti-Netanyahu coalition or doing better in terms of voter turnout.
  2. We should be careful about not idealizing the past, but there is a change going on in Israel. In the past, uncomfortable truths were swept under the table, but the declared public ethos was one which allowed most Israelis to maintain their self-image of a just people seeking to uphold universal values. Today, there are still many Israeli Jews who want to maintain that self-image. That will now be harder to do because we will now have a government with many members who are completely open about their racist, anti-democratic, and ethnocentric agenda. We may have an opening, if we can capitalize on the cognitive dissonance created when the veneer is stripped away. That will not be simple. I recall hearing from Palestinians that they thought that the election of Ariel Sharon would strip away the veneer.

However, there is also a sizable number of Israelis who knew just what they were voting for when they chose to vote for candidates with the openly racist, anti-democratic and ethnocentric agenda. Given that a large percentage of this population is Orthodox or traditional, can we craft a message of a different Judaism on their terms? I have long commented on how much more those who think differently than we do invest in education. Anonymous educators get to every small community in the country. The Eli settlement created the first pre-army academy dedicated to spreading their world view through a gap year program. They now run programs for post army young adults. There is no quick fix, but can we have “skin in the game?”

  1. These are just some initial thoughts, and I too need to spend a lot more time reflecting on what our strategy must now be, and discussing with others.

a. It is clear to be that we will need to take even further physical risks. Today, the Friday on the eve of Shabbat Lekh Lekha, is the day I was attacked by a knife wielding settler in 2005. The risks may well be becoming even greater, although I hope that I am wrong, and hope that somehow we will find a way of influencing the system to restrain settler violence by creating deterrence. However, that may only happen when the violence gets so bad that it has to be dealt with.

b. We must seek to go on trial, in the best tradition of civil disobedience. As mentioned above, just before the elections I did something I have almost never done. Guy Hirschfeld and I physically blocked the pickup of a violent settler racing into a Palestinian flock. I then grabbed him after he got out of the car and approached the flock on foot with a large rock in his hand, even as he banged my hand with the rock. On social media and in my blog, I begged the police to arrest me. I haven’t been arrested, but if Itamar Ben Gvir becomes Internal Security Minister, I might get my wish.

c. We must have the resources to use every legal strategy remaining to us, even as we keep our fingers on the pulse of the shifting legal sands in order to avoid doing harm. That is why increasing our budget to have a lawyer on staff is such a top priority for us.

d. We must work with our supporters abroad to maximize the impact of the international community.

e. We must find a way to speak to the Orthodox/traditional community in their language and on their terms.

Some may recall that when I was attacked on the eve of Shabbat Lekh Lekha, I asked to be called to the Torah to say the Mi Sh’Berakh prayer after the aliyah in which Abraham chooses not to employ his seniority and power to impose a solution on Lot when their shepherds begin to fight over grazing lands. He invites Lot to make the choice of who will graze where, because they are family, and family shouldn’t fight. Rashi teaches us that the conflict was also one of values:

7) ויהי ריב AND THERE WAS A QUARREL because Lot’s shepherds were wicked men and grazed their cattle in other people’s fields. Abram’s shepherds rebuked them for this act of robbery, but they replied, „The land has been given to Abram, and since he has no son as heir, Lot will be his heir: consequently this is not robbery“. Scripture, however, states: „The Canaanite and the Perizzite abode then in the land“, so that Abram was not yet entitled to possession (Genesis Rabbah 41:5).

May we all understand that we are one human family, that there are enough resources for all if we share them properly, and that we too must respect what belongs to others.

Shabbat Shalom,

Arik

Rabbi Arik W. Ascherman – Executive Director Torat Tzedek

Was hat ‚die Linke‘ erwartet…

… fragt Gideon Levy in einem Meinungsbeitrag in Haaretz, der in seiner Gänze hinter der Bezahlschranke zu finden ist.

Hier einige Zitate:

After More Than 50 Years of Supporting Israel’s Occupation, What Exactly Did the Israeli Left Think Would Happen?

The aftermath of the elections have shown that Israeli society has become partly religious and largely racist, with hatred of Arabs being its main fuel, with no one to stand against it.

No one should be surprised by what happened. It could not have been otherwise. It began with the occupation – pardon the annoying and clichéd mention of that – but that is where it really began, and it had to culminate in a government of racism and transfer. Fifty years of incitement against the Palestinians and scare tactics about them cannot culminate in a government of peace.

It was simply impossible to continue with the illusions – Jewish and democratic, an enlightened occupation, a temporary occupation – and that whole tired repertoire of phrases. The time for truth had arrived, and that is what Netanyahu and Ben-Gvir are going to tell us.

For years, a rudderless left and center that lacks leadership and lacks courage has desperately attempted to grovel to and look like the right. It just had to end with Ben-Gvir and with the nationalist Shas. There was no other possible outcome.

Am Ende faßt Levy zusammen – in einem Absatz, der sehr zu denken gibt … oder wenigstens zu denken geben sollte

For years, Israelis have been about the Chosen People, about the Holocaust after which anything is permitted, about the Arabs who want to throw us into the sea, about our right to the land because of the biblical stories, about the IDF as the world’s most moral army, about David versus Goliath, about Israeli Arabs as a fifth column, about the whole world being against us and that anyone who criticizes us is an antisemite.

What did we think would arise out of all that? Ben-Gvir actually took his time. He could well have made his big splash a long time ago. That’s what happens when you have a Bolsonaro and no Lula facing him. That’s what happens when cries of “Death to the Arabs,” which will now be drilled at morning assembly in schools, were not met with a single cry of “Freedom for the Arabs.”

That is where it began, this is where it ends.

Standing together

https://secured.israelgives.org/donate/standingtogether

Am Abend dieses Tages ist es erst einmal schwer, noch etwas zu sagen. …. Diese Stimme wollten wir aber teilen, auch wenn sie im Englischen verbleibt:

Dear Friends,

This morning brought many feelings: fear, confusion, and anger. We’ve been feeling these emotions since the first exit polls came out. We know that many of us feel enveloped by dread. Soon, Israel will inaugurate its most right-wing government ever. Another Netanyahu prime ministership, this time with Itamar Ben-Gvir and Betzelel Smotrich at his right side, is a dark omen. This upcoming government will continue failed, unequal, economic policies. It will undermine women’s and LBGTQ+ rights. It will deepen the occupation. This government will tell us that never-ending war is our only future and that Jews and Arabs will never live in peace. This government will never solve Israel’s most pressing problems. They’ll only make them worse.

And especially today, we want to offer hope – yes hope. The task ahead of us is huge. We must rebuild the Israeli Left. But this time, we will rebuild it differently. We will build a Left that tears down the divisions built by and benefits the Right. A Left that generates new partnerships between diverse individuals and communities. A Left that advocates for the interests of all those who live here and builds connections between them. There’s a long struggle ahead of us. In the coming days, weeks, months, and even years, we must build a new force to fundamentally transform our society. Together, Jews and Arabs alike, we will present alternatives to the forthcoming government, we will stand against its inevitable divide-and-rule policies, and we will advance practical solutions to our society’s most pressing problems. We will raise the minimum wage, solve the affordable housing crisis, and demand equality for the geographic periphery. We will show that there is a path towards justice, equality, an end to the occupation, and peace. We’ll show that it’s possible to build a society that doesn’t leave anyone behind.

Today, we have a choice. And for this choice, we offer a clear alternative. We choose to work together, raise our heads, and remember that we have a vision to offer all those that live here. We know that this will be a difficult journey. But we also know that it is possible. And that possibility – it starts today.

And on a more personal note from me, to those supporting us from afar: I hope you don’t lose your belief in our ability to change our reality – Palestinians and Jews in Israel. Your support and your belief in our work are crucial to our success, and we need it more than ever. We took this day within our community to process, vent, and reciprocate support. I am personally grateful to be able to write this message to you, especially in these moments, and I am certain I speak on behalf of all of us here. So THANK YOU. And tomorrow, tomorrow we will continue our work toward rebuilding our shared home.

with sincere gratitude,
Sally Abed – Standing Together

Rolle von Musik und Klang für die Erinnerungskultur

Die Ära der Zeitzeug:innen, die aus eigener Anschauung über die Zeit des Nationalsozialismus berichten können, neigt sich dem Ende zu. Für die Erinnerungskultur in Deutschland stehen deshalb große Veränderungen bevor. Welche neuen Wege in diesem Zusammenhang beschritten werden können, will die Musikwissenschaftlerin Prof’in. Drin. Monika Schoop von der Leuphana Universität Lüneburg erkunden. Mit ihrem aktuellen Forschungsprojekt „Musikalische und klangliche Erinnerungsräume in der Post-Witness Era“ geht sie der Frage nach, wie mit Hilfe von Musik und Klang Erinnerungsräume geschaffen werden können.

Der Wissenschaftlerin geht es darum, einen neuen Weg einzuschlagen und sowohl die soziale als auch die klangliche und musikalische Dimension der Erinnerungsräume zu erfassen. Gleichzeitig soll das Projekt eine neue Plattform in Niedersachsen schaffen, um wichtige Akteure der Erinnerungskultur zu vernetzen und einen Dialog zwischen Wissenschaft und Praxis zu initiieren. Gemeinsam mit den Gedenkstätten Bergen-Belsen, Ahlem und Moringen werden Workshops für nachhaltige Erinnerungsarbeit entwickelt und veranstaltet. Sie dienen dazu, Herausforderungen gegenwärtiger Erinnerungskultur zu thematisieren, Potenziale von Musik und Klang für künftige Erinnerungsarbeit zu reflektieren und Handlungsstrategien zu erarbeiten.

Das Potenzial von Musik und Klang für die Erinnerungsarbeit soll zudem in der Entwicklung spezieller Audioguides in Kooperation mit der Gedenkstätte Ahlem erprobt und genutzt werden. Diese Initiative zielt darauf ab, sowohl die Vergangenheit kritisch zu erinnern, als auch Erinnerungskultur für neue Generationen zugänglich und damit zukunftsfähig zu gestalten. Die Ergebnisse des Projektes sollen veröffentlicht und auf nationalen und internationalen Konferenzen vorgestellt werden.

Wissenschaftliche Ansprechpartnerin: | Leuphana Universität Lüneburg

Leuphana Universität Lüneburg

Americans for Peace Now

Filmbeitrag auf Instagram mit diesem Einführungstext:

„This is powerful and painful. But hard truths need to be spoken.“