Reaktionen in Israel auf das Abschneiden der AfD bei den Bundestagswahlen

Eine erste Stellungnahme in Auszügen zum Abschneiden der AfD bei den Bundestagswahlen von Moshe Zimmerman und Shimon Stein in Haaretz vom 25. September.

Why Israel Won’t Condemn the Shocking Success of Germany’s Far-right Extremists

After its improper, evasive, even complicit responses to Charlottesville, to Trump and to Hungary’s anti-Semitic anti-Soros campaign, it’s no surprise that Israel’s response to neo-Nazis in the Bundestag is a deafening silence

Here Israel cannot waver: The AfD politicians pulled the usual trick – they were also eager to show their support for Israel or brag about Jews joining the party, and on top of it referred to the „common adversary“: the mainly Muslim refugees/infiltrators ‚flooding‘ into Germany. Will this bear-hug do the trick? No objective observer can have any doubts: This alleged alliance against Muslims or Arabs, suggested by the AfD and other populists, is a pitfall which Israel must avoid at all costs. Not only is it an imagined alliance; it is a betrayal of the fight against anti-Semitism and of the basic human values of Zionism. Israelis should have shown more esteem for Angela Merkel’s welcome gesture towards the refugees. A blind eye to racism and intolerance in Germany, in Europe, for the sake of getting support for the present Israeli policies in the occupied territories is a disgrace. The AfD is more than just another populist, racist European Party. It is a movement that intends to turn the clock back on democratic Germany’s effort to learn from its terrible past for the sake of an enlightened and tolerant future. Official Israel must to join the anti-AfD majority in Germany in its fight against the enemies of an open society.

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A letter from Amos Schocken

Ein Aufruf des Haaretz-Herausgebers Amos Schocken anläßlich des zwanzigjährigen Jubiläum der englischsprachigen Ausgabe zur Bedeutung von kritischem Journalismus in unserer heutigen Zeit.

On September 1, 1997, Haaretz English Edition was published for the first time, as part of a joint venture with the International Herald Tribune.

On the front page of the inaugural edition were two reports which encapsulated the very reasons that we, the publishers of Israel’s oldest daily newspaper, decided to venture into English-language publishing.

In the first article, the paper’s diplomatic correspondent reported that the United States was pressing Israel to accept a formula by which settlement expansion would be limited to existing communities. The second article reported that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu had been seeking a private donation to help him pay an outstanding debt to the lawyer who had represented him in court.

Two decades later, despite the best efforts of many courageous people and organizations, and notwithstanding spectacular advances in many fields, Israel is no nearer a solution to many of its most pressing problems.

One of the charges most often levelled against the voices of opposition in Israel is that they ‘air the country’s dirty laundry’ in public – and in English. They are told that to do so is treasonous and feeds the monster of anti-Semitism.

Haaretz is proud to be one of the few critical voices in Israel – and in English – speaking out against injustice. We believe that we are serving the best interests of our country, which we love, and that our reporting, our analysis and our commentary enrich the discussion and deepen our readers’ understanding of hugely complex issues. Our writers – in English and Hebrew – are Israel’s most thought-provoking and original and our digital platforms are updated around the clock by two news desks.

In today’s climate, the voice of Haaretz is more important than ever before, both here in Israel and in the United States, where recent events are of grave concern to Jews in both countries. That is why it is just as important for Haaretz’s voice to be heard in English.

With your continued support, we will continue to produce the kind of journalism that is vital in these perilous times. We will continue to create cutting-edge multimedia content on all our platforms and we will continue to invest in making our apps and websites even better.

Yours faithfully,

Amos Schocken
Publisher, Haaretz

Zum Jubiläum bietet die Zeitung das digitale Abo für Haaretz.com im Sonderangebot an.

 

1967 – Jahr der Entscheidung

Die Deutung der Folgen von 1967, den Beginn der Besatzung der Westbank durch Israel, ist im Jubiläumsjahr höchst umstritten. Noam Sheizaf, Blogger und freier Journalist bei zahlreichen israelischen Zeitungen, u.a. auch bei Ma’ariv und Ha’aretz, greift die zeitgenössische Debatte auf. Er stellt zwei offene Briefe gegeneinander und zeigt, daß eine marginalisierte linke Minderheit bereits bei der Besetzung 1967 die Konsequenzen dieser Entscheidung erkannte. Er argumentiert, daß von Anfang an offizielle Stellen in Israel keine Verantwortung für die dort lebende Bevölkerung übernahmen und als einzige Maßnahme nur die Unterdrückung der Palästinenser kannten und kennen.“

Der englische Text erschien am 26. Mai 2017 in Ha’aretz und ist hier als PDF einsehbar.

Can Jews and Arabs Be True Political Partners in Israel?

Yaniv Sagee, ‚Opinion‘, Ha’aretz, Feb 27, 2017

The only way to create an alternative to push back against 50 years of occupation and mounting inequalities is for the Zionist and Palestinian-Arab left to form a real partnership.

In four months, we will mark 50 years of Israel’s occupation of ‚the territories.‘ Fifty years, during which the State of Israel has changed from top to bottom.

From being a welfare state fulfilling the founding vision – both of a national homeland for the Jewish people and of an egalitarian state for the benefit of all its citizens – Israel has transformed into one of the worst of Western states in terms of social gaps. A state that discriminates against its Arab citizens and is incapable of connecting with world Jewry.

From a “pursuer of peace,” we have become a state that “manages the conflict” through wars and operations where we kill and are killed, because we have become convinced that “there is no partner” for peace. Our actions are directed by the vision of the Prime Minister who told us last year, “We shall forever live by the sword.”

read the whole article as a PDF  here

Yaniv Sagee is the Executive Director of Givat Haviva. A member of Kibbutz Ein Hashofet, he was previously a teacher, school principal, director of the Hashomer Hatzair youth movement and chairman of the National Council for Youth Movements in Israel.

B’Tselem, Israel und die Vereinten Nationen

Am 6. Oktober 2016 nahm der Vorsitzende der israelischen Menschenrechtsorganisation B’Tselem (Hebr.: ‚Im Angesicht‘), Hagai El-Ad, an einer Anhörung des Sicherheitsrats der Vereinten Nationen in New York zum Thema „Illegale Siedlungen: Hindernisse für den Frieden und die Zwei-Staaten-Lösung“ teil und sprach sich vehement gegen die fast 50 Jahre währende israelische Okkupation und die anhaltende Siedlungspolitik aus. In seiner Rede erinnerte er daran, daß Israel aufgrund des historischen VN-Teilungsbeschlusses über Palästina 1947 entstanden sei, die Welt jedoch über Jahrzehnte die Okkupation eines anderen Volkes erlaubt habe.
„Millionen Israelis und Palästinenser kennen keine andere Realität. Wir benötigen Ihre Hilfe. …  Die Rechte der Palästinenser müssen verwirklicht werden; die Okkupation muß beendet werden; der UN-Sicherheitsrat muß handeln; und es ist jetzt an der Zeit dafür.“
El-Ad wurde nach seiner Rede vielfach in der israelischen Presse und durch konservative Politiker angegriffen; Ministerpräsidenten Netanjahu drohte am 15.10., der Organisation werde es künftig verwehrt, Ersatzdienstleistende zu beschäftigen. In einem Haaretz-Artikel legte der Menschenrechtsaktivist am 16. Oktober dar, warum er sich in der Vereinten Nationen gegen die Okkupation ausgesprochen habe.

 

Es folgt ein Auszug der englischen Rede von Hagai El-Had, die transkribiert vorliegt. Die vollständige Rede findet sich auf den Seiten des 972Mag.

Members of the Security Council,

Ladies and Gentlemen,

Before I begin, I would like to express my deep thanks for this unique opportunity of speaking at this distinguished forum and engaging with the members of the UN Security Council.

What I’m about to say is not meant to shock you. It is, however, meant to move you.

For the past 49 years – and counting – the injustice known as the occupation of Palestine, and Israeli control of Palestinian lives in Gaza, the West Bank, and East Jerusalem, has become part of the international order. The first half-century of this reality will soon be over. On behalf of B’Tselem, the Israeli Information Center for Human Rights in the Occupied Territories, I implore you today to take action. Anything short of decisive international action will achieve nothing but ushering in the second half of the first century of the occupation.

Ladies and Gentlemen,

What does it mean, in practical terms, to spend 49 years, a lifetime, under military rule? When violence breaks out, or when particular incidents attract global attention, you get a glimpse into certain aspects of life under occupation. But what about the rest of the time? What about the many “ordinary” days of a 17,898-day-long occupation, which is still going strong? Living under military rule mostly means invisible, bureaucratic, daily, violence. It means living under an endless permit regime, which controls Palestinian life from cradle to grave: Israel controls the population registry; Israel controls work permits; Israel controls who can travel abroad – and who cannot; Israel controls who can visit from abroad – and who cannot; in some villages, Israel maintains lists of who can visit the village, or who is allowed to farm which fields. Permits can sometimes be denied; permits must always be renewed. Thus with every breath they take, Palestinians breathe in occupation. Make a wrong move, and you can lose your freedom of movement, your livelihood, or even the opportunity to marry and build a family with your beloved.

Meanwhile, ever present, are the settlements and the settlers. They are Israeli citizens living, ostensibly, in a first-world democracy, that somehow exists only for them, beyond the borders of their country. This ever-expanding venture, its illegality notwithstanding, is to be found everywhere throughout the West Bank and East Jerusalem. Settlements encompass the built-up areas as well as the generous allocations of land around them, meant for future expansion or “special security zones”; they mean checkpoints for Palestinians, and bypass roads for settlers; they mean the Separation Barrier; and finally, they mean the fragmentation of Palestine into hundreds of isolated communities, floating – or rather I should say, slowly sinking – in a sea of Israeli domination. Who could possibly deserve to endure such conditions for half a century?