Über 600 Israelis aus dem akademischen Leben protestieren in einer Petition an die internationale Gemeinschaft und Zivllgesellschaft gegen nochmals angestiegenen Siedlerterror. Hier ein Link zu einem kurzen FR-Stück von Inge Günther.
Und dazu ein Gespräch mit Yuli Novak, der Chefin der NGO B’Tselem, geführt von Judith Poppe auf https://qantara.de
„I wonder how it sounds in Palestinian Arabic.“
Akiva Eldar schreibt in der Haaretz über Netanyahus (und Trumps) Rede, der ganze Text steht (leider) hinter der Bezahlschranke, wir zitieren hier einige zentrale Passagen:
In the declarations of Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu and his friend U.S. President Donald Trump, the word „freedom“ has been used repeatedly since the start of the attack against Iran. In an (emotional) address to the Iranian people, Netanyahu promised „a historic war for freedom.“ Netanyahu knows that the „The Iranian people deserve a better future.“ In other words, he is encouraging the citizens of Iran to rebel in order to win their freedom.
With his considerable obtuseness, Netanyahu legitimized the next intifada and the two that preceded it. Are the rights of the women and children in the occupied territories in better shape than those of the women and children in Tehran? The Iranian security forces fire at citizens who demonstrate against a despotic government. The residents of the West Bank don’t dare to go out into the streets. They’ve learned that even a video on TikTok can lead to arrest.
A boy who throws a stone at a command car is considered a terrorist whose punishment is death. And as is customary in benighted regimes, our secret service terrifies civilians, encourages informers and nurtures collaborators. That’s the only way to rule over a foreign nation for six decades. […]
An Israeli who calls on the residents of the territories to demonstrate against the occupation will end the day at the police station. Foreign peace activists who want to help Palestinian shepherds are expelled from the country. Israeli human rights organizations are subject to incitement and hostile legislation. Any request by Palestinians for help from international organizations is considered „political terrorism“ here, and is accompanied by economic sanctions.
[…]
Yet for almost 60 years Israeli governments have been making a mockery of international law when it comes to settlement across the Green Line and responsibility for the welfare of the population under occupation. Israel defies United National decisions that support the establishment of a Palestinian state, and we’re paying a miniscule price.
Even worse. The government and the security forces operating in the territories are scorning Israeli law. They’re violating the rulings handed down by the High Court of Justice. For example, that the military commander is obligated to invoke his authority while finding a balance between security needs and the welfare of the local population. In another ruling, the High Court judges decided that the laws of belligerent occupation, which apply in the territories, require seeing to the needs of the local population.
At the end of the week, it was reported that 11 Palestinians were wounded in 20 Jewish terrorism incidents. Settlers threw stones at Palestinians, sprayed graffiti, shot fireworks in Palestinian villages and blocked roads.
These reports, which have become as routine as the sirens in Kiryat Shmona, bore Netanyahu. He’s busy fulfilling God’s mission of saving the world from the Iranian bomb. Human dignity and freedom in Iran, and here too, aren’t and never were his main interest. And suddenly he’s calling for a popular uprising against a despotic government. I wonder how it sounds in Palestinian Arabic.
Die deutsche Auseinandersetzung mit dem Nationalsozialismus
18.09.2024 – 31.01.2027 Haus der Geschichte der Bundesrepublik Deutschland
Rezension für H-Soz-Kult von Chloe Paver (Faculty of Arts, Humanities, and Social Sciences, University of Exeter)
Ein Beitrag in der ARD Mediathek aus dem Magazin ttt.
Die Philosophin Eva von Redecker definiert und erklärt den Rechtsruck unserer Gegenwart.
Ein Rechtsruck geht um die Welt – überall gewinnen autoritäre Kräfte an Macht und Einfluss. In der Folge werden Minderheiten ausgegrenzt oder körperlich angegriffen. Aber welche Entwicklungen in der Gesellschaft begünstigen dies? Der Faschismus der Gegenwart ist nicht mit dem der Vergangenheit zu vergleichen, er hat eine neue Gestalt, die nicht leicht zu erkennen und noch schwerer zu erklären ist. Mit „Dieser Drang nach Härte“ hat die Philosophin Eva von Redecker eine Analyse des neuen Faschismus vorgelegt, der hilft, ihn zu entschlüsseln und Strategien der Gegenwehr zu entwickeln.
Leon Weintraub nahm 1946 sein Medizinstudium in Göttingen auf. Zuvor hatte er mehrere Konzentrationslager überlebt. Seitdem setzt sich der Auschwitz-Überlebende für die Menschlichkeit ein. Im März 2026 erhielt er die Ehrendoktorwürde und den Friedenspreis.
NDR-Beitrag – ARD-Mediathek – ARD-Mediathek II
A podcast episode punctuated with sirens and explosions on +972 with Meron Rapoport
Meron lives in Tel Aviv and, like most Israelis, has spent much of the past two weeks running to shelters. Yet this is just about the only thing he shares with the majority of his compatriots — not least because he is among the mere 4 percent of Israeli Jews who oppose this war that is setting the entire region ablaze.
But things don’t always go according to plan. When the dust settles, Meron says — reminding me that he’s often labeled an optimist — Israelis will realize, sooner or later, that they cannot escape the Palestinian question, and that a regime of apartheid and occupation will never have peace and quiet.
Eine Rezension für H-Soz-Kult von Magdalena Saryusz-Wolska (Deutsches Historisches Institut Warschau)
Polen ist im Kontext der Erinnerungsforschung ein besonderes Land. Die Überreste aller sechs nationalsozialistischen Vernichtungslager – Auschwitz-Birkenau, Belzec, Kulmhof, Majdanek, Sobibor und Treblinka – befinden sich auf dem Gebiet der heutigen Republik Polen. Hinzu kommen Überreste weiterer Lager wie Stutthof, Groß-Rosen oder Plaszow sowie unzählige andere killing sites. Dass die Gedenkstätten des Landes immer wieder Forschungsinteresse hervorrufen, ist also verständlich. Auch die zahlreichen Museen, beispielsweise das POLIN Museum der Geschichte der Polnischen Juden in Warschau oder das Museum des Zweiten Weltkriegs in Danzig, werden seit einigen Jahren immer intensiver erforscht.
In dieser umfangreichen Literatur hat Diana I. Popescu eine relevante Lücke identifiziert und internationale Autor:innen eingeladen, diese zu füllen …
Ein Gespräch mit Ziv Stahl auf der Seite von Zenith – Ziv Stahl leitet die israelische Menschenrechtsorganisation Yesh Din, die Siedlergewalt im Westjordanland dokumentiert und Palästinensern Rechtsbeistand bietet.
„Während die Welt Richtung Iran blickt, eskaliert im Westjordanland die Siedlergewalt. Bewaffnete Reservisten, illegale Außenposten: Was dort geschieht, ist kein Randphänomen, sondern staatlich gedeckte Politik. Ein Gespräch mit Ziv Stahl über Verbrechen, die strafrechtlich fast nie verfolgt werden.
Below is message of CfP that they shared on the social media to with their International allies
The Palestinian and Israeli members of Combatants for Peace are united in our profound alarm at the current military escalation between the United States, Israel, and Iran.
As a joint movement committed to nonviolence and to ending the occupation through political means, we firmly reject the belief that expanded military force will bring safety or stability to our region.But why do we feel like this?
A few days ago in the West Bank, two Palestinian brothers were shot and killed by settlers in the village of Qaryut, part of a documented rise in settler violence and displacement that human rights organizations and UN monitors have repeatedly warned the world about. Such attacks are not isolated eruptions of chaos; they unfold within a system of occupation that fragments Palestinian life, weakens accountability, and entrenches a reality of unequal rights that corrodes any genuine prospect for peace.
In Israel, civilians have been killed and injured by Iranian missile strikes on residential areas, a stark reminder that when confrontation escalates between states, it is ordinary people who absorb the consequences. International humanitarian law is unequivocal: civilians must never be targeted, and indiscriminate attacks on populated areas are unlawful. As governments invoke deterrence and security to justify their actions, Israeli and Iranian families mourn loved ones as the confrontation spreads. Official statements speak in strategic terms; on the ground, it is grief that endures.
We refuse the hierarchy of grief that measures one life against another, and we reject the logic that treats civilian deaths as currency in a wider struggle. What binds these realities together is not only escalation between states, but the political structures that normalize and perpetuate harm – occupation, annexation, collective punishment, and regional brinkmanship that treats civilian lives as leverage rather than as equal human beings entitled to protection and dignity.
Moral clarity at this moment requires holding these truths together: opposing attacks on civilians everywhere while confronting the underlying reality of occupation, oppression and entrenched injustice that makes repeated escalation inevitable. Expanding war will not resolve either; it will only prologue the suffering.
If we are serious about protecting civilian life, we must be serious about ending the systems that endanger it.
In hope,
Hoffen wir, daß es nicht nur ein Pfeifen im Wald ist, die politischen Mehrheiten gibt es jedenfalls (noch?) nicht …
The Palestinian economy is in collapse. Hamas is regaining control over the limited existing resources and assets in the Gaza Strip, after the war destroyed Gaza’s economic system. In the West Bank, the Palestinian Authority (PA) is struggling to survive amid deliberate Israeli government policy that is exploiting the former’s dependence and advancing unilateral coercive measures to cripple the Palestinian economy and the PA itself.
This policy reflects a dangerous escalation of the Israeli approach that viewed Hamas as an asset and the PA as a burden, an approach whose beginnings predated October 7, 2023. The collapse of the PA and the Palestinian economy are openly touted by Israeli ministers as elements of a strategy designed to advance annexation and prevent the establishment of a Palestinian state, even at the cost of a stronger Hamas and critical damage to Israeli security.
This paper, written by Yitzhak Gal, proposes a new policy and includes pragmatic recommendations for action that will mend Israeli-Palestinian economic relations while supporting progress on a phased process toward two states and stable, long-term security. The proposed strategy is based on reform and socioeconomic stabilization of the PA within regional collaborative arrangements.
The paper illustrates the strong link between Palestinian economic growth and the security relations between Israel and the Palestinians. On this foundation, the paper proposes a three-stage road map whose goal is gradual building of a strong Palestinian economy; which will function as an independent system, while maintaining close cooperation with Israel and other countries in the region. That will contribute both to Palestinian and Israeli stability and prosperity.
A necessary condition for implementation of this roadmap is a political will in Israel to change its approach toward the Palestinians and to make strides in a process directed at socioeconomic and political stabilization. Therefore, the plan can only be implemented under an Israeli government that is willing to adopt a policy that is entirely different from the current government’s policy.
Nevertheless, even under the current government, there are several critical steps that can be performed almost immediately. These steps are proposed in the first stage of the road map, concurrently with Stage 2 of President Trumps’ 20- point peace plan. These steps will be part of US-led measures to implement UN Security Council Resolution 2803 with respect to Gaza.
The concrete measures proposed for the first stage are: Resolution of the PA’s protracted fiscal crisis in order to allow full and timely wage payments and orderly delivery of public services; gradual re-entry of Palestinian workers into Israel for employment while implementing agreed changes to improve security arrangements; suspension of measures that impair the Palestinian banking system and application of new arrangements that will stabilize this critical system; as well as measures that would leverage the rebuilding of Gaza to jump-start the Palestinian economy, with emphasis on trade and logistics. The execution of these steps will be contingent on a comprehensive, effective reform of the PA, cessation of payments to prisoners and “martyrs” (shaheeds), and tight security coordination that ensures demilitarization in Gaza and the marginalization of Hamas.
In the second stage, additional set of measures that can be promoted under the umbrella of the Oslo Accords and the Paris Protocol. These measures will include: convening of the joint Israeli-Palestinian economic committee and the additional joint subcommittees defined in the Paris Protocol and accompanying agreements, for development of agreed future plans; phased promotion of economic links between Gaza and the West Bank, contingent on accepted security arrangements; establishment of special-economic-status industrial zones and free trade areas; signing of preferential trade arrangements with the UAE and Saudi Arabia, the EU, and the US; promotion of Palestinian and Israeli integration into regional economic projects, primarily the reconstruction of Gaza and the India–Middle East–Europe Economic Corridor (IMEC).
The third stage will focus on a new Israeli-Palestinian economic agreement, under US-international-regional aegis. The new economic agreement will be negotiated as part of an agreed path to the future establishment of a demilitarized Palestinian state, and as an integral element of a regional settlement. This economic agreement will replace the Paris Protocol and its accompanying set of agreements as well as the multiple unliteral arrangements that have evolved over the past 30 years. This stage, which is proposed to take place over a longer term (3–4 years), will include issues such as a permanent trade regime, the currency of the PA, and other significant changes in the structure of the Palestinian economy.
Implementation of the proposed plan will drive the Palestinian economy forward, strengthen the moderate actors in the Palestinian arena, and support the socioeconomic stability that is a necessary condition for a stable settlement and long-term security.
The proposed plan also offers a set of additional significant benefits for Israel: The plan will lead to a strong and stable PA that maintains effective rule in the West Bank, that constitutes an effective alternative to Hamas in the Gaza Strip, is committed to peace with Israel, and is a partner in effective anti-terror measures. Implementation of the plan will dilute the power of Hamas and other extremist groups in Gaza and the West Bank.
The gradual nature of the process, which is directed toward a clear political horizon and its progress based on the achievement of clear milestones, will build confidence and trust and create a system with long-lasting stability.
Israel’s integration as an important actor in comprehensive regional initiatives, such as IMEC, is expected to be an important growth engine for Israel’s economy for decades to come.
